What the Iran war reveals about Nato’s appetite for conflict over Taiwan
Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte meeting US President Donald Trump on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos on January 21.
Photo: AFP The United States attacked Iran without consulting its European allies.
President Donald Trump assumed the operation would be a quick win, over before anyone had to take a position.
Instead, Washington answered a question Western governments had long avoided.
After years of pushing Nato towards confrontation with China, would the transatlantic alliance fight a war it had not chosen together?
The answer was no.
Iran and Taiwan are different cases.
One sits on Europe’s wider periphery and carries immediate consequences for energy, migration and regional spillover.
The other lies in East Asia and turns on the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.
Yet both confront Washington with the same problem.
Political alignment is one thing; military participation in a campaign shaped on American terms is another.
A sceptic might argue that a US-China conflict in the Taiwan Strait remains unlikely: Beijing prefers a peaceful reunification and the prospect of a military operation remains limited.
But low probability is not low relevance.
Neither Washington nor Beijing treats the contingency as theoretical.
That much is clear from the scale of preparation.
The Aukus alliance (between Australia, Britain and the US), Quadrilateral Security Dialogue and wider architecture of Indo-Pacific alignment shows expansion.
China has sustained military preparation in the South China Sea and repeatedly folded Nato into its political reading of Western encirclement.
When both powers prepare at this level, the question is political, strategic and live.
Washington has spent years inflating Nato’s China file beyond its actual substance.
Since 2019, Nato has hardened its language on Beijing.
Its 2022 strategic concept cast Beijing’s ambitions as a challenge to allied interests, security and values.
In 2024, China was labelled a “decisive enabler” of Russia’s war against Ukraine.
Nato Secretary General Mark Rutte continues to supply the political script, echoing Washington’s framing of China, Russia, Iran and North Korea as aligned revisionist powers.
That narrative collapsed in the Strait of Hormuz, where neither Beijing nor Moscow has intervened thus far.
In verbally backing Trump’s actions there and urging Nato support, Rutte exposed a widening gap between US expectations and European unwillingness to join a war they di
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